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Rumours or reality? Palestinian Christians in Gaza

Just over a week ago the Jerusalem Post published an article about the persecution of Palestinian Christians in Gaza, saying that a big proportion are trying to emigrate and leave the Hamas-controlled Palestinian territory. The newspaper said that the issue was underreported by the Western media, but some people in the Gaza Strip are saying that this so-called ‘issue’ is simply not true. MENASSAT spoke with Palestinians in Gaza to investigate this further.

By OLFAT HADDAD
gaza churches

Palestinian Christians celebrating Easter. ©AFP

Gaza, December 19, 2008 (MENASSAT) The Jerusalem Post published an article about a Palestinian Christian exodus out of Gaza claiming that the small Christian community were victims of “a systematic campaign of persecution” that they said “is taking place in the Gaza Strip, and to a lesser extent in the West Bank.”

But when MENASSAT’s correspondent in Palestine explored this further, she found that the 3,600 Christians in Gaza are not being displaced en masse and that those who do want to emigrate share the same reasons as the rest of the besieged population – a lack of opportunity in the Strip due to the Israeli siege and occupation.

The Jerusalem Post article said that the persecution of Christians is being perpetrated by a number of Islamic groups and referred to it as, “Part of a larger process of Islamization taking place in Palestinian society.”

Fadi Bandali, a Christian living in the Gaza Strip, spoke with MENASSAT and said that the stories written in the media about the small minority in Gaza are not true. “The Christians here are not suffering under anyone in particular. On the contrary all Christians live here without fear and we practice our rituals freely without anyone interfering.”

“Christians in Gaza do not think about leaving the Strip for the reasons stated in the media. Those who do think about emigrating think about it for the same reasons most other young people do – because of the embargo, the bad economic situation and lack of job opportunities.”

According to a poll released last week by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, 40% of people in the Gaza wish to leave.

Bandali told MENASSAT that the Jerusalem Post article could be an attempt to weaken the relationship between Christians and Muslims in Palestine.

“There are a lot of people who are trying to disrupt the relationship between Christians and Muslims in Gaza. Despite the events that happened against Christians in Gaza before, the relationship did not deteriorate. In fact, it’s at its best.

He said that the Christians have not faced any problems with Hamas’ government in the Gaza Strip, who have been in control of the region for one year and a half.

“There is constant communication between us and Hamas and there is no interference by the party, not in our daily rituals and certainly not in our religious practices.”

Christians are afraid to admit harassment

The Jerusalem Post also quoted an article by the columnist Abd Al-Nasser Al-Najjar of the Palestinian daily Al-Ayyam. In his article Najjar wrote about Christian-owned properties in the West Bank, specifically in Bethlehem, Ramallah and al-Bireh, that are being confiscated by high-ranking people, including military personnel and powerful families.

During a phone call with Al-Najjar, the journalist told MENASSAT that the Christians of Gaza are getting harassed but they cannot admit it because they are a minority in the region.

He also said that Christians in the Arab World, including Palestine, are suffering from a lot of harassment but no one is speaking out because of fear. He refers to an article he wrote on this subject, which “was quoted or republished by more than 600 media outlets”.

Najjar is now working on an article about Christians leaving the Strip but says he does not have enough information to publish it yet. “I hear a lot about what happens behind the scenes in Gaza but I don’t want to talk about it until I have real evidence. I don’t want things to get more severe, like the case in Egypt where there is already a strong sectarian divide.”

It’s simply an economical emigration

On the other hand, Father Manuel Musallem, the head of Gaza’s Latin Church said that the mass Christian emigration doesn’t exist at all.

“The issue of some Christians leaving Palestine is not a phenomenon because it’s only normal that some people leave due to the economic situation that the Gaza Strip is going through because of the embargo.”

When asked if he is afraid to say that this emigration is politically motivated, Father Musallem strongly denied any fear of speaking out. He said that the Christian-Muslim relations are excellent and refuses to call the few departures of Christians from the Strip a political emigration. “It is simply an economical emigration.”

He told MENASSAT that two schools in Gaza, Deir Latin and the Holy Family School have more than 1,100 Muslim children attending. “They study all the courses and we even teach them Islam. Some of them are even the children of officials in Hamas or the Islamic jihad.”

Seasons of hope: Travel takes fear out of foreign ways

By Rick Steves

(Tribune Media Services) — If all you know about Islam is Gaddafi, Khomeini, Saddam, and Osama bin Laden, it’s no wonder you see a threat. I balance my take on Islam by traveling to (and learning about) mainstream countries such as Turkey — a moderate Islamic nation with a determination to face the West without giving up its culture.

Istanbul, Turkey’s largest city, is thriving. The big news of late is the new tunnel they’re digging under the Bosporus. It will give a million commuters in the Asian suburbs an easy train link to their places of work on the European side. This tunnel is emblematic of modern Turkey’s commitment to connecting east and west.

It’s in this environment that, as a guide, I like to introduce my tour members to Turkish culture and Islam. Turkey is a secular nation (practicing the separation of mosque and state), but examples of how the people’s faith permeates society are plentiful.

Driving into the modern high-rise suburbs of this city, I passed an old shepherd whose small flock was enjoying some grass in a freeway cloverleaf, surrounded by the sprawl of 10 million people. In the midst of all that modernity, he seemed a courageously timeless figure — raising sheep to be sacrificed for an upcoming Muslim festival.

When it comes to experiencing Islam, I like to travel during Ramadan. This holy month, when Muslim people refrain from eating during daylight hours, is set by the lunar Islamic calendar (lately it’s been mostly in September). The fasting is intended to turn the heart away from the world and toward God. By allowing people of all classes to feel hunger pangs, it also encourages generosity toward the less fortunate. For many Muslim families, Ramadan concludes with acts of charity and gift-giving.
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* In Depth: Rick Steves’ Europe

During this holy month in Istanbul, no-name neighborhood mosques literally overflow at prayer time. Yet a tourist unfamiliar with Islam might not notice that practicing Muslims are not eating or even drinking.

If you visit during Ramadan, you’ll wake to the call to prayer and the sounds of a convivial meal just before dawn. The sun rises and the daylong fast begins. Then, at about 7 p.m., food comes out, and the nightly festival begins. Mohammad broke his fast with a dried date or olive — and that remains the most common fast-breaker. Saying, “Allah kabul etsin” (may God accept our fast today), the staff at a restaurant welcomed me to photograph them and then offered to share.

Witnessing the breaking of the fast was like watching children waiting for the recess bell — and fun to catch on film. Throughout my Ramadan visit, every time I watched the end of the fast, people offered to share their food. At this particular restaurant I said no, but they set me up anyway — figs, lentil soup, bread, Coke, and baklava. I thought the Coke was a bit odd … but they said it’s not considered American anymore. It’s truly global.

Like Ramadan, prayer is a pillar of the Islamic faith. Tourists in Istanbul hear the call to prayer five times a day. According to tradition, as the sun prepares to rise, an imam stares at his arm. When he can tell a gray hair from a black one, it’s time to call his parish to the Morning Prayer. While the quality and warble varies, across the land the Arabic words of the call are exactly the same, starting with: “God is great.”

They say tiny mosques can’t afford a real musician, so the imam himself does the singing — not always top quality. Big mosques have a trained professional singer. Anyone can hear the qualitative difference. To the unfamiliar ear, the call to prayer sounds like coyotes howling in a cacophony. I hear it as a beautiful form of praise that sweeps across the globe — from Malaysia across Pakistan, Arabia, and Turkey to Morocco and then to America — like a stadium wave, undulating exactly as fast as the earth turns.

My time in Muslim places like Turkey, with the cozy feeling that comes with Ramadan (just as it comes with Christmas where I live), reminds me how travel takes the fear out of foreign ways.

I am a Christian who wants to believe we can live peacefully with Islam. Perhaps I am just naive, but one thing is clear to me. Things I learn about Islam in the United States fill me with fear and anger. Things I learn about Islam in Muslim countries fill me with hope

Gujarat 2002 (Naroda Patya Massacre)

Ninety-seven bodies had inquest panchnamas filed, a legal procedure under which the police, in the presence of two socalled “independent” witnesses, or panchas, physically verify the place from which the bodies were recovered and the nature of injuries on them and record their findings in writing. Thus, by their own records, the police recovered at least 97 bodies from Naroda Patiya. But, shockingly postmortems were performed on only 58. Of the bodies recovered from Naroda Gaon, autopsies were not carried out on two. Apart from providing irrefutable evidence of the scale of the barbarity perpetrated that day, the autopsies, if done honestly, could have established the time of death, which would have given a fair indication of the total duration of the slaughter. These reports could have been a strong piece of evidence in court. But this is exactly what the police did not want.

 Crucial evidence destroyed: The scene of a crime gives an investigating agency its most critical pieces of evidence. In Naroda Patiya and Naroda Gaon, the accused had left behind a trail that the police set out to systematically obliterate. The pit in which a large number of people were burnt alive was not even examined — no samples were taken of the soil, of the traces of human tissue or of the remains of burnt fuel. On the contrary, the pit does not even figure in the police version of the massacre. The dying declarations of as many as seven victims were not recorded; two of them died on March 11 after prolonged treatment, but no explanation is forthcoming in the chargesheet of why their statements were not recorded.

 BJP MLA exonerated: Naroda massacre survivors had named local BJP MLA Mayaben Kodnani as having incited the murderous mob. However, at the time of filing the chargesheet for the carnage, the police dropped her name from the list of the accused, claiming that they had failed to find any evidence against her. But Richard had much to say about the role she had played. Richard and his co-accused Prakash Rathod said that Mayaben patrolled the streets of Naroda Patiya throughout the day, urging the rioters to kill more Muslims.

 Destruction of Noorani Masjid not investigated: In its records of what it found at the scene of the offence, the police mention the presence of an oil tanker, manufactured by Ashok Leyland, near the Noorani Masjid, with its rear in contact with the wall of the mosque. Its front number plate was intact and read GT-1T 7384. But the tanker was not seized. The Road Transport Office was not contacted to determine its ownership. No samples of its contents were taken for forensic examination. In fact, it is still a mystery as to how a tanker of this size managed to “sneak in” so close to the Noorani Masjid, a place where there were over 12 police personnel on “constant vigil”.

Photo: Cherian Thomas

 No proceedings against absconding prime accused: Many main accused went absconding after the police was forced to register an FIR against them. Babu Bajrangi, Kishan Korani, Prakash Rathod and Suresh Richard, for instance, were arrested three months after the FIR was issued. Bipin Panchal was arrested after a year and a half. But the police did not follow any of the usual procedures used when an accused absconds, such as pasting notices outside the accused’s house declaring him an absconder, confiscating his properties, etc.

 Not one confession recorded: Those arrested for the Naroda Patiya and Naroda Gaon massacres were taken in on remand — a period the court grants to the police to take an accused into custody for interrogation. But the remand and interrogation were a farce. Not one confession has been annexed to the chargesheets filed in either of the Naroda massacres.

 Just one weapon recovered: Barring one sword recovered from Bipin Panchal in 2004, the police have not recovered any other weapon either from the scene of the crime or from any other accused. The survivors, however, had testified that their attackers, including the accused, were heavily armed with an assortment of weapons — knives, swords, trishuls, gas cylinders and firearms. In an instance where as many as 105 people, according to the police’s own admission, were butchered, the failure to recover any
weapon used in the massacre speaks volumes for the quality of the investigation carried out. In fact, the owner of a gas agency had given a written statement that 20-odd persons with a Maruti van had landed up at his godown on the day of the carnage and had looted a large number of gas cylinders. The agency owner said his watchman had been present when the incident took place. But neither was the statement of the watchman recorded, nor was any attempt made to identify those involved in the looting or to track down the vehicle used in the crime.

 Not one accused sent for scientific examination: Since not a single statement of any of the accused was recorded under Section 164 of the Criminal Procedure Code, it would indicate that the police failed to elicit any information by conventional interrogation methods. The next step would have been to subject the accused to scientific examinations like a polygraph test or narcoanalysis or brain mapping. The police, however, initiated no efforts in this direction.

 No mention made of rapes: Three chargesheets apiece were filed in the Naroda Gaon and Naroda Patiya massacres. However, despite the testimonies of dozens of survivors who had reported that women were raped, not a single instance of rape was recorded. At least one post-mortem indicated a possible case of sexual assault, yet no investigations in this direction were carried out. (It should be noted that since autopsies on 41 bodies were not carried out, there is no ascertaining how many of them were women’s and whether they bore marks of sexual assault.)

 Mobile phone recovered from the spot not examined: On the day of the massacre, a survivor named Mirja Hussain Biwi Moherble recovered a mobile phone near her residence in Naroda Patiya. It had been inadvertently dropped by one of the accused, and was handed over to the police. On enquiry, Additional Commissioner of Police, Crime Branch, AK Surolia found that it belonged to one Ashok Sindhi, an accused in the massacre. Surolia launched a massive investigation and started collecting the call records of Babu Bajrangi and other accused, including Sindhi (Letters from Surolia addressed to telecom companies asking for phone records are with TEHELKA.

We also have handwritten notes by him in which he observed that he believed Bajrangi “to be behind all this”.) But before the investigation could go any further, Surolia was transferred. Once he was gone, the police stopped looking into Sindhi’s phone records. In the three chargesheets filed in the Naroda Patiya massacre, no mention has been made of any cellphone belonging to an accused being recovered from the scene of the crime.

 Mobile phone records of the accused not made part of the chargesheet: After the case was transferred to the Crime Branch of the Ahmedabad Police, the then DCP Rahul Sharma proceeded to collect the mobile phone call records of all the accused. But, a few weeks into the probe, he was unceremoniously taken off it and the case was handed over to Deputy Commissioner of Police DG Vanzara. Sharma, however, managed to make a copy of all the call records and produced it before the Nanavati-Shah Commission. These call records are a piece of strong corroborative evidence establishing not only how all the accused were making frantic calls to each other while the Naroda massacre was in progress, but also that they were present at the spot. Call records have not been included as evidence in the chargesheets.

Photo: Cherian Thomas

 No mention made of use of firearms: In the chargesheets, the police have only said that the mob was carrying sharp-edged weapons (of which only one has been recovered so far). The police have ruled out the use of any kind of firearm by the mob. The injury certificates of most of the survivors who were treated for gunshot wounds were not made part of the chargesheets; all the same, clear mentions of gunshot wounds did find their way into four injury certificates annexed with the chargesheets. One postmortem report also attributes the death to a firearm injury. The dimensions of the entry and exit wounds in all five cases show that the wounds were inflicted by small firearms and not by police rifles. In any case, though the police have claimed to have fired 91 rounds to disperse the mob, it is not their case that anyone was injured in police firing. As to how these five people sustained bullet injuries, the entire investigation is silent.

 No identification parades carried out: In the case of both the Naroda massacres, dozens of witnesses have stated that were the accused to be shown to them, they would identify their attackers. Yet, except for Ashok Sindhi, the police did not conduct any identification parades of the accused. The identification parade is of immense importance
in cases of mob violence.

THE INVISIBLE HAND
In the course of their conversations with TEHELKA, numerous accused spoke appreciatively of the role of the police, and named senior Sangh Parivar functionaries, for their role in the carnage, including MoS for Home Gordhan Zadaphia, whom Bajrangi spoke to after the massacre. When so many arms of the government were involved at so many levels, was the man who headed the state also involved?

TEHELKA asked Bajrangi this question. In reply, the Naroda massacres prime accused said that Chief Minister Narendra Modi had visited Naroda twice after the massacre — first, in the evening of the day of the massacre, when he came to the locality but was unable to enter it, and second, on the next day, when he went inside Naroda Patiya. On both visits, Modi had encouraged the murderers, Bajrangi said, and told them that whatever they had done was good and that they should do even more.

Suresh Richard corroborated this account and said that Modi had also visited Chharanagar on the evening of the massacre and garlanded the rioters. Bajrangi said that if Modi had not told the police to stand back, the massacre would never have been possible. But Modi’s support to the rioters did not stop at the facilitation of the killings. Bajrangi said after the Naroda killings, Modi kept him in hiding for more than four months and then stage-managed his arrest. If that was not enough he also brought in a favourable judge to hear Bajrangi’s bail petition and got him out of jail.

Gujarat 2002 contd..

TEHELKA: It is being said the Chharas also committed rapes…

Richard: Now look, one thing is true… bhookhe ghuse to koi na koi to phal khayega, na [when thousands of hungry men go in, they will eat some fruit or the other, no]… Aise bhi, phal ko kuchal ke phek denge [in any case, the fruit is going to be crushed and thrown away]… Look, I’m not telling lies… Mata is before me [gesturing to an image of a deity]… Many Muslim girls were being killed and burnt to death, some men must have helped themselves to the fruit…

TEHELKA:Must have been a couple of rapes…

Richard: Might even have been more… then there were the rest of our brothers, our Hindu brothers, VHP people and RSS people… Anyone could have helped themselves… who wouldn’t, when there’s fruit?… The more you harm them, the less it is… I really hate them… don’t want to spare them… Look, my wife is sitting here but let me say… the fruit was there so it had to be eaten… I ate too… I ate once.

TEHELKA: Just once?

Richard: Just once… then I had to go killing again… [turns to relative Prakash Rathod and talks about the girl he had raped and killed]… the scrap dealer’s daughter Naseemo… Naseemo that juicy plump one… I got on top…

TEHELKA: You got on top of her…

Richard: Yes, properly…

TEHELKA: She didn’t survive, did she?

Richard: No, then I pulped her… Made her into a pickle…

Another victim, 22-year-old Sufiya Bano, was raped and burnt in front of her father. The Civil Hospital, where she was admitted and later died, confirmed the attack on her. When her father, Abdul Majid, a witness who deposed before the Nanavati-Shah Commission, tried to save his daughter, he was brutally seized and held and his beard cut off. Apart from Sufiya Bano, six other members of this family were killed: three boys — Mehmood, Ayub and Hussain; two other girls — Afrin Bano and Shahin Bano; and their mother, Lalibibi. At 22, Sufiya was the eldest of her siblings; seven-year-old Hussain and four-year old Shahin Bano were the youngest.

Police Commissioner PC Pandey came to Naroda Patiya only later that night, at around one. As he surveyed the devastation, he said the place looked worse than even the battlefields of Haldighati. So Bajrangi said.

On the day of the massacre, Richard told TEHELKA, BJP MLA Mayaben Kodnani drove around Naroda, exhorting the rioters to kill as many as they could. Worse yet, Bajrangi revealed that he had been giving VHP general secretary Jaideep Patel a blow-by-blow account of the massacre on his mobile phone. He said he made 11 calls to Patel, providing him the latest death toll each time, until his phone went dead. That evening, Bajrangi says, he also called up then Minister of State for Home Gordhan Zadaphia, and told him how many he had killed and said that it was now up to Zadaphia to keep him out of trouble with the law. He went to bed that night feeling like Maharana Pratap, he says. He didn’t manage to meet Narendra Modi when the Gujarat CM visited the locality that evening. Modi never made it into the interior of Naroda Patiya, says Bajrangi. “Not even God had the power to enter Naroda Patiya that day.”

THE ROLE OF THE POLICE

‘They shouldn’t be allowed to breed. I say this even today, even if they are women or children’-Babu Bajrangi

Bajrangi was emphatic in his claim that the killings would never have been possible had the police not looked the other way. There was only one entrance to Naroda Patiya, he said, “like a housing society”, and there were some 50 policemen posted there. “They could have ripped us apart,” he said. “But, though they saw everything, they kept their eyes and mouths shut.” Richard said that the police fired at Muslims who were under attack. He also said that late that night, after the rioting had died down, some policemen specially told the Chharas to kill Muslims hiding in a ditch.

‘Many Muslim girls were being killed. Some men must have helped themselves to the fruit’-Suresh Richard

THE COVER-UP
TEHELKA in collaboration with advocate Somnath Vatsa of NGO Action Aid — whose Ahmedabad chapter has been fighting for justice for the victims of the 2002 massacre — carried out a threadbare analysis of the police investigation and the chargesheets filed in the Naroda Patiya and Naroda Gaon massacres. We found that far from punishing the guilty, the police were involved in a massive cover-up.

‘Mayaben(a local MLA) patrolled the streets, urging the rioters to kill more Muslims’-Prakash Rathod

 Bodies disposed of to diminish magnitude of crime: Once the massacre was over, the first task before the police was to whittle down the death toll. The larger the number of deaths, the more vociferous the outcry from civil society. As Bajrangi details, the police had the bodies from Naroda Patiya rounded up and dumped at various places across the city. According to Bajrangi, over 200 people had died that day; late that night, then Ahmedabad Police Comissioner PC Pandey came to Naroda and ordered the police to have the bodies removed.

“They were piled up in trucks, it took so many vehicles, some were even stuffed into jeeps.” When the bodies were collected the second time and brought to the Civil Hospital for the post-mortem, they were recorded as being from the area where they were found. In this manner, the police managed to keep the death count down to 105, 97 from Naroda Patiya and eight from Naroda Gaon. The post-mortem records show that even these 105 bodies from Naroda were brought to the hospital piecemeal, with the last few bodies being brought in a full four days after the massacre.

 No autopsies on 41 bodies:With one piece of evidence destroyed, the police moved on to the next stage. The bodies — charred, hacked at, bearing shot wounds, stab marks and marks of rape — could have been strong evidence of a brutal massacre and of the administration’s complicity. They might have served as a potent indication of the fact that this was no spontaneous act of rioting but a systematic pogrom. But the police did not carry out post-mortems on as many as 41 bodies recovered from Naroda Patiya and Naroda Gaon. No explanation has been offered for this act of grave negligence and omission.

Gujarat 2002

BABU BAJRANGI
Just under 5’3”, Babu Bajrangi—whose family name is Patel — is a towering figure in Naroda. Twenty-two years of association with the VHP and its youth wing, the Bajrang Dal, has firmly established him as the most dreaded local thug. Today, Bajrangi lords it over Naroda, and over Chharanagar in particular, where he commands a substantial following. Many Chharas appear to hold him in great reverence; he, in turn, is all praise for the criminal abilities he claims they possess, they are his “weapons”, he says, “just kill, nothing else”.

Bajrangi holds court at his office on the second floor of the Ajanta Ellora Shopping Complex, just off the highway that skirts Naroda. Though he claims to be a big builder with a steady monthly income of over a lakh and a half, his main vocation is beating up Muslims and Christians. “I just hate Muslims and Christians,” he says. And the cause dearest to his heart is to “rescue” Hindu girls who have married or eloped with Muslim boys. A majority of those who visit him each day are the parents of such girls. “When they go to the police, the cops don’t lodge a complaint, they send them to me,” Bajrangi claims. “Nine hundred and fifty-seven — that’s how many Hindu girls I have saved. On average, one girl married to a Muslim produces five children. So, in effect, I have killed 5,000 Muslims before they were born.”

Bajrangi has other claims to fame too. It was he who, virtually single-handedly, stalled the release of the film Parzania in Ahmedabad. While he openly threatened cinema hall owners to keep them from screening the film, the administration remained mute. “The film was anti-Hindu,” is all the justification he needed. Bajrangi’s love for Hindus is defined by his hate for Muslims and everything about them. “I would not mind if I were condemned to death, but if they ask me my last wish, I would want to drop bombs in Muslim localities and kill ten to fifteen thousand Muslims before I die.”

Apart from personal action, he has several suggestions for a “solution” to the “problem” of Muslim presence. “Delhi should issue orders to kill — higher caste people and the rich won’t do it but slum dwellers and the poor will and they should be ordered to. They should be told that they can take whatever they want of the Muslims — land, wealth, houses, everything — but they should do it in three days.” This will ensure that Muslims are wiped out across India. Bajrangi’s second suggestion is to have Muslims allowed only one marriage and one child by law. Additionally, it would also be a good idea to deny them the right to vote.

PREPARATIONS FOR GENOCIDE
Bajrangi went to Godhra on February 27, the day of the Sabarmati fire. He told TEHELKA that after he saw the Sabarmati victims’ bodies, he took a vow to avenge Godhra on the Muslims of Naroda Patiya the very next day. “Humne unko wahi challenge kar diya tha ki isse chaar guna laash hum Patiya mein gira daalenge (I challenged the Muslims — I would see four times the number of dead in Godhra felled in Patiya),” Bajrangi told TEHELKA at the very first meeting. He returned to Ahmedabad and began preparations for the massacre that very night. Twenty-three small firearms were rounded up from such Hindus as owned them; those who were unwilling to part with their weapons were told they’d be killed the next day, even if they were Hindus. Large quantities of inflammable material were also acquired — Bajrangi told TEHELKA that one petrol pump owner gave him petrol for free, this he later used to burn Muslims alive.

THE EXECUTION
The VHP and Bajrang Dal men arrived at Naroda Patiya at around 10 the next morning. They led the first attack but were forced to retreat as the Muslims put up a strong resistance, said Suresh Richard, one of the key accused in the Naroda Patiya massacre. At this point, a large band of Bajrangi’s Chhara followers joined ranks with the saffron mob and mounted a fresh attack. By around 10.30am, they had managed to destroy the minaret of Naroda Patiya’s Noorani Masjid. Subsequently, as Richard told TEHELKA, a full fuel tanker was rammed into the building, it burst and was then set on fire. The fuel from the tanker was also used to burn Muslims and their homes.

After the first round of assault, the Muslims barricaded themselves into their homes and remained there till around 3pm when the attack intensified. Between 5 and 6 that evening, the mob reached the height of its frenzy; many women and girls were first raped and then doused in kerosene and petrol and burnt. A few dozen Muslims were able to make it to a State Reserve Police Force camp nearby. Bajrangi told TEHELKA that but for the Muslim commandant of the camp, who sheltered some Muslims, the death toll would have been much higher.

Some of the men in the Naroda attack were wearing khaki shorts and had saffron bands around their foreheads. According to witnesses, many were carrying jerrycans filled with kerosene, diesel and oil from the State Transport workshop. These they would empty on whoever came in range before setting them on fire; lit balls of fuel-soaked cloth were also thrown at those out of immediate reach. In Naroda is an open area with a large pit that is actually a cul de sac — a slope leads into it from one side but the other side is a sheer rise that cannot be scaled. Several Muslims had sheltered there; the mob surrounded the pit, poured fuel into it and set fire to it as well.

Ninety-seven people are officially said to have died that day in Naroda Patiya, but the actual death toll was much higher, as can be gleaned from the detailed lists survivors have made of missing persons and of their kith and kin whom they saw dying. Most of the dead were charred or mutilated beyond recognition. “We hacked, we burnt, did a lot of that,” said Bajrangi. “We believe in setting them on fire because these bastards say they don’t want to be cremated, they’re afraid of it, they say this and that will happen to them.” An overwhelming majority of the survivors were never able to claim the bodies. Dozens of eyewitnesses who deposed before the Nanavati-Shah Commission recounted scenes of children being burnt alive and women being raped. “We didn’t spare any of them,” Bajrangi said. “They shouldn’t be allowed to breed. Whoever they are, even if they’re women or children, there’s nothing to be done with them; cut them down. Thrash them, slash them, burn the bastards.”

Photo: Paras Shah

Kauser Bano, was nine months pregnant that day. Her belly was torn open and her foetus wrenched out, held aloft on the tip of a sword, then dashed to the ground and flung into a fire. Bajrangi recounts how he ripped apart “ek woh pregnant… b*******d sala”; how he showed Muslims the meaning of wrath—“If you harm us, we can respond — we’re no khichdi-kadhi lot”.

The scale and ferocity of the attack forced all surviving residents of the settlement to run away. Every house was looted, some were burnt. Many survivors had to be hospitalised; many were separated from their families and were not re-united with them for a week to 10 days, some for much longer. Several women were left with nothing to cover themselves with and were escorted to the relief camp completely naked. Suresh Richard told TEHELKA that there were many instances of rape and he himself was involved in one of them.

‘t Deserve To Live’

Genocide was swift and total in Naroda Patiya. So was its cover-up. The perpetrators remain unpunished and unabashed

IN WITHIN HOURS of the tragedy on board the Sabarmati Express, the BJP and its affiliates — the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Bajrang Dal — started preparations for one of the worst acts of genocide in the history of this country. On February 28, 2002, a day after the Sabarmati Express fire, Ahmedabad witnessed mass killings of the most horrific nature. Armed saffron cadres roamed the streets, burning, looting, raping and killing Muslims at will. The neighbourhood that bled most was Naroda, a locality on the outskirts of Ahmedabad, with a mixed population of Hindus and Muslims.

In a most systematic manner, the BJP, the VHP and the Bajrang Dal formed an execution squad that carried out a pogrom from 10 in the morning of February 28 till after well past dark. Apart from firearms, tridents and swords, everything that could conceivably be turned into a weapon at short notice — from bricks to gas cylinders to diesel tankers — was unleashed on an entire neighbourhood of Muslims. Most victims were burnt alive. Before being set on fire, many were stabbed, raped and hacked apart.

Right through the massacre, the cellphones of the rioters were ringing constantly, with death scores being shared at regular intervals. By sundown, Naroda Patiya and Naroda Gaon, the Muslim neighbourhoods in the area, had been reduced to a vast wasteland of death. Sliced up like vegetables, burnt like charcoal and, bearing the testimony of slaughter at its crudest, corpses lay scattered across what had been a lively human settlement barely a few hours before.

Naroda was no nondescript, out-of the-way place. It was just five km from the local police control room and less than four km from Shahibaug, the Ahmedabad Police headquarters. A mob armed with lethal weapons went on a killing spree for over 10 hours, yet nothing moved in the administration, no reinforcements were dispatched, no effort was made to disperse the mob. Civil society has had no doubt that it was Chief Minister Narendra Modi who was to blame for the genocide. Survivors have alleged that the police played partisan. The police have retorted that it was a riot and they were outnumbered. The government has denied any acts of omission or commission on its part. Five years on, the trial for the carnage in Naroda Patiya and Naroda Gaon is yet to start.

For the last three years, the Supreme Court has been sitting on a petition filed by the National Human Rights Commission and a few NGOs to have the case reinvestigated and transferred out of Gujarat. The accused are out on bail. Narendra Modi has won a landslide electoral victory and is preparing for another. Most survivors have shifted to ghettoes on Ahmedabad’s outskirts; the few who returned to their previous homes are living a marginalised life, under economic and social boycott by their Hindu neighbours.

NARODA: LAYOUT AND DEMOGRAPHY
About 15km from the centre of Ahmedabad city, Naroda Gaon and Naroda Patiya were once home to around 2,000 daily wage-earning Muslims, a majority of them migrants from Karnataka and Maharashtra. The area lies along a highway stretch just outside the city. Across the road from it is the State Transport warehouse; nearby are the Hindu-dominated Gopinath and Gangotri housing societies. Both Naroda Gaon and Naroda Patiya are over 70 years old and are typical urban slums; both come under the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation. The distance between the two is not more than a kilometre or so. While Naroda Gaon is relatively smaller, Naroda Patiya is a labyrinth of narrow lanes, flanked by close-packed, unsightly concrete structures, few of them higher than two storeys, inhabited by Muslims. Across the road from Naroda Patiya is Chharanagar, a large settlement of Chharas, a denotified tribe commonly deemed criminal and involved primarily in bootlegging and gambling. Though Hindu, Chharas are at the bottom of the caste hierarchy.

WHO WERE THE ACCUSED?

Two separate FIRs were registered for the Naroda Gaon and Naroda Patiya incidents. While only eight people were recorded as killed at Naroda Gaon, eyewitness accounts put the toll at Naroda Patiya in the hundreds. Nobody, however, knows exactly how many Muslims were killed at Naroda that day. Nobody, except, perhaps, the killers.

Among the dozens of Sangh Parivar cadres whom survivors identified as their attackers, the names of BJP MLA Mayaben Kodnani and Bajrang Dal leader Babu Bajrangi came up repeatedly as having led the mob. When filing the chargesheet, however, the police refused to prosecute Kodnani, citing lack of evidence. Bajrangi was chargesheeted along with a few BJP and VHP workers and a couple of dozen Chharas. In all, the police named 49 people as accused in the Naroda Patiya incident, and the same number were accused for Naroda Gaon as well. There are many names in common between the two lists, among them Bajrangi’s. After absconding for over three months, Bajrangi was arrested amid high drama. Five months after his arrest, the Gujarat High Court granted him bail.

Bad Lawsuit from the Thomas More Law Center

The Thomas More Law Center has just sued the government on these grounds:

1. This civil rights action challenges that portion of the “Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008” … that appropriated $40 billion in taxpayer money to fund and financially support the United States government’s majority ownership interest in American International Group, Inc. (“AIG”), which engages in Shariah-based Islamic religious activities that are anti-Christian, anti-Jewish, and anti-American. The use of these taxpayer funds to approve, promote, endorse, support, and fund these Shariah-based Islamic religious activities violates the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment to the United States Constitution.

2. This action also challenges the United States government’s broad policy and practice of approving, endorsing, promoting, funding, and supporting Shariah-compliant financial products and business plans, such as Takaful Insurance. This governmental policy and practice conveys a message of endorsement and promotion of Shariah-based Islam and its religious beliefs and an accompanying message of disfavor of and hostility toward Christianity and Judaism and their religious beliefs in violation of the Establishment Clause.

This strikes me as a very hard position to sensibly defend. Parts of the argument are just “Islam is bad” (and not just radical jihadist Islam, but any branch of Islam that asks Muslims to invest only in businesses that comply with various rules about interest, alcohol, and the like). These surely can’t advance the Establishment Clause claim; the Establishment Clause applies equally to Catholicism, Protestantism, Islam, or whatever else.

And to the extent the arguments don’t focus on the purported flaws of Islam, they are shockingly broad. The theory is apparently that the government may not invest in any company that, in part of its operations, provides products that are tailored to a particular religious faith, and that may be accompanied by donations to religious charities. But lots of companies do this, for the simple reason that religious consumers have their religious tastes such as consumers have other ethical or esthetic tastes.

For instance, a food processing company might have a division that produces kosher products and donates some money to Jewish-specific charities (as a way of better wooing Jewish buyers). An investment company might seek to attract conservative Christian investors by offering a fund that doesn’t invest in (say) hospital chains that perform abortions, and by donating some share of its profits to religious causes. Other companies might provide funds that don’t invest in munitions manufacturers, to satisfy the desires of Quaker investors. A store might sell, among other products, religiously significant garments or religious symbols. A bookstore might sell religious books alongside other books.

Under the Complaint’s theory, either Islam is subject to special constitutional constraints, or — once that constitutionally forbidden legal rule is rejected — all of these companies would somehow be forbidden as targets of government investments. The government couldn’t bail them out. It presumably couldn’t invest public employee retirement funds in them. It couldn’t sell religious books alongside other books in public university bookstores, or serve kosher food alongside other food in public university cafeterias.

That’s plainly wrong, under any sound theory of the Establishment Clause, or even under the broadest theories suggested by Justice Brennan and other Establishment Clause maximalists. The government investment decisions don’t have a “primary religious purpose,” because the obvious purpose is to prop up important companies — and have them continue making as much money as possible — and not to advance Islam. The government no more cares about advancing Shariah through the AIG bailout than my local Ralphs supermarket cares about advancing kosher laws by selling products that are certified kosher. The “primary religious effect” inquiry has always been extremely vague, but none of the precedents applying that inquiry would treat the continued provision by AIG of products that some religious customers like as a “primary religious effect.”

The “endorsement” argument doesn’t make sense here, because reasonable observers wouldn’t treat the government’s decision to bail out AIG, including its subdivision that sells financial products that Muslims prefer for religious reasons, as an endorsement of Islam. Again, the “endorsement” test is quite vague, but this is a pretty clear example: Making money by satisfying some customers’ religious preferences (and lots of other customers’ nonreligious preferences) isn’t an endorsement of religion. Nor does the allegation that some of the money that is raised is donated to Muslim charities affect the analysis. That donating money to religious charities is good business for AIG doesn’t make it impermissible for the government (which after all wants AIG to make as much money as possible, so the government isn’t left paying the bill) to invest in AIG.

The only even theoretically plausible objection in such cases, I think, arises if the government becomes too entangled in the religious decisions of the company, for instance if government officials end up supervising the programs and deciding what Shariah law truly requires, or what really is or isn’t kosher. But on the facts this just doesn’t seem to be so: The operational decisions related to these religiously themed products and programs are made by the company (or perhaps even by the company’s subcontractors), not by government officials. There seems to be no danger that some government officer would have to engage in quintessentially religious activities. And it is government decisionmaking, not government stock ownership, that triggers the Establishment Clause, which is one reason that government employee retirement plans can invest in companies without making them state actors governed by the Free Speech Clause, the Establishment Clause, the Due Process Clause, and so on. (This distinguishes the PrawfsBlawg hypothetical of a government-chartered school, which remains a government actor, engaging in religious education.)

If someone were advancing this broad a view of the Establishment Clause in some other case — or trying to narrow the argument by limiting it only to certain Christian denominations, as the Complaint is trying to narrow the argument by stressing the supposed vices of Islam — I would think that the Thomas More Law Center would and should protest. It’s too bad that it’s backing this argument

Jewish Maryam Embraces Islam

I was Margaret (Peggy) Marcus. As a small child, I possessed a keen interest in
music and was particularly fond of the classical operas and symphonies
considered high culture in the West.
Music was my favorite subject in school in which I always earned the highest
grades. By sheer chance, I happened to hear Arabic music over the radio which so
much pleased me, that I was determined to hear more.
I would not leave my parents in peace until my father finally took me to the Syrian
section in New York City where I bought a stack of Arabic recordings. My parents,
relatives and neighbors thought Arabic and its music dreadfully weird and so
distressing to their ears that whenever I put on my recordings, they demanded
that I close all the doors and windows in my room lest they be disturbed!
After I embraced Islam in 1961, I used to sit enthralled by the hour at the mosque
inNew York, listening to tape-recordings of tilawat chanted by the celebrated
Egyptian qari, Abdul Basit.
But on Jumuah salah (Friday Prayers), the Imam did not play the tapes. We had a
special guest that day. A short, very thin and poorly-dressed black youth, who
introduced himself to us as a student from Zanzibar, recited Surat Ar-Rahman.
I traced the beginning of my interest in Islam to the age of ten. While attending a
reformed Jewish Sunday school, I became fascinated with the historical
relationship between the Jews and the Arabs.
From my Jewish textbooks, I learned that Abraham was the father of the Arabs as
well as the Jews. I read how centuries later when, in medieval Europe, Christian
persecution made their lives intolerable, the Jews were welcomed in Muslim
Spain; and that it was the magnanimity of this same Arabic Islamic civilization
which stimulated Hebrew culture to reach its highest peak of achievement.
Totally unaware of the true nature of Zionism, I naively thought that the Jews
were returning to Palestine to strengthen their close ties of kinship in religion and
culture with their Semitic cousins. Together, I believed that the Jews and the
Arabs would cooperate to attain another Golden Age of culture in the Middle East.
Despite my fascination with the study of Jewish history, I was extremely unhappy
With Gals at the Sunday school. At this time I identified myself strongly with the Jewish
people in Europe, then suffering a horrible fate under the Nazis and I was shocked
that none of my fellow classmates nor their parents took their religion seriously.
During the services at the synagogue, the children used to read comic strips
hidden in their prayer books and laugh to scorn at the rituals. The children were
so noisy and disorderly that the teachers could not discipline them and found it
very difficult to conduct the classes.
At home, the atmosphere for religious observance was scarcely more congenial.
My elder sister detested the Sunday school so much that my mother literally had
to drag her out of bed in the mornings and it never went without the struggle of
tears and hot words.
Finally, my parents were exhausted and let her quit. On the Jewish High Holy
Days, instead of attending synagogue and fasting on Yom Kippur, my sister and I
were taken out of school to attend family picnics and parties in fine restaurants.
When my sister and I convinced our parents how miserable we both were at the
Sunday school they joined an agnostic, humanist organization known as the
Ethical Culture Movement.
The Ethical Culture Movement was founded late in the 19th century by Felix
Alder. While studying for rabbinate, Felix Alder grew convinced that devotion to
ethical values; as relative and man-made, regarding any supernaturalism or
theology as irrelevant, constituted the only religion fit for the modern world.
I attended the Ethical Culture Sunday School each week from the age of eleven
until I graduated at fifteen. Here, I grew into complete accord with the ideas of the
movement and regarded all traditional, organized religions with scorn.
When I was eighteen years old I became a member of the local Zionist youth
movement known as the Mizrachi Hatzair. But, when I found out what the nature
of Zionism was, which made the hostility between Jews and Arabs irreconcilable,
I left several months later in disgust.
When I was twenty and a student at New York University, one of my elective
courses was entitled Judaism in Islam. My professor, Rabbi Abraham Isaac Katsh,
the head of the department of Hebrew Studies there, spared no efforts to convince
his students — all Jews, many of whom aspired to become rabbis — that Islam
was derived from Judaism.
Our textbook, written by him, took each verse from the Quran, painstakingly
tracing it to its allegedly Jewish source. Although his real aim was to prove to his
students the superiority of Judaism over Islam, he convinced me diametrically of
the opposite.
I soon discovered that Zionism was merely a combination of the racist, tribalistic
aspects of Judaism. Modern secular nationalistic Zionism was further discredited
in my eyes when I learned that few, if any, of the leaders of Zionism were
observant Jews and that perhaps nowhere is Orthodox, traditional Judaism
regarded with such intense contempt as in Israel.
When I found nearly all important Jewish leaders in America supporters for
Zionism, who felt not the slightest twinge of conscience because of the terrible
injustice inflicted upon the Palestinian Arabs, I could no longer consider myself a
Jew at heart.
One morning in November 1954, Professor Katsh, during his lecture, argued with
irrefutable logic that the monotheism taught by Moses (peace be upon him) and
the Divine Laws reveled to him were indispensable as the basis for all higher
ethical values.
If morals were purely man-made, as the ethical culture and other agnostic and
atheistic philosophies taught, then they could be changed at will, according to
mere whim, convenience or circumstance.
The result would be utter chaos leading to individual and collective ruin. Belief in
the Hereafter, as the Rabbis in the Talmud taught, argued Professor Katsh, was
not mere wishful thinking but a moral necessity.
Only those, he said, who firmly believed that each of us will be summoned by God
on Judgment Day to render a complete account of our life on earth and rewarded
or punished accordingly, will possess the self-discipline to sacrifice transitory
pleasure and endure hardships and sacrifice to attain lasting good.
It was in Professor Katsh’s class that I met Zenita, the most unusual and
fascinating girl I have ever met. The first time I entered Professor Katsh’s class, as
I looked around the room for an empty desk in which to sit, I spied two empty
seats, on the arm of one, three big beautifully bound volumes of Yusuf Ali’s
English translation and commentary of the Holy Quran.
I sat down right there, burning with curiosity to find out to whom these volumes
belonged. Just before Rabbi Katsh’s lecture was to begin, a tall, very slim girl with
pale complexion framed by thick auburn hair, sat next to me. Her appearance was
so distinctive, I thought she must be a foreign student from Turkey, Syria or some
other Near Eastern country.
Most of the other students were young men wearing the black cap of Orthodox
Jewry, who wanted to become rabbis. The two of us, were the only girls in the
class.
As we were leaving the library late that afternoon, she introduced herself to me.
Born into an Orthodox Jewish family, her parents had migrated to America from
Russia only a few years prior to the October Revolution in 1917 to escape
persecution.
I noted that my new friend spoke English with the precise care of a foreigner. She
confirmed these speculations, telling me that since her family and their friends
speak only Yiddish among themselves, she did not learn any English until after
attending public school.
She told me that her name was Zenita Liebermann but recently, in an attempt to
Americanize themselves, her parents had changed their name from “Liebermann”
to “Lane.”
Besides being thoroughly instructed in Hebrew by her father while growing up
and also in school, she said she was now spending all her spare time studying
Arabic.
However, with no previous warning, Zenita dropped out of class and although I
continued to attend all of his lectures to the conclusion of the course, Zenita never
returned.
Months passed and I had almost forgotten about Zenita, when suddenly she called
and begged me to meet her at the Metropolitan Museum and go with her to look
at the special exhibition of exquisite Arabic calligraphy and ancient illuminated
manuscripts of the Quran.
During our tour of the museum, Zenita told me how she had embraced Islam with
two of her Palestinian friends as witnesses.
I inquired, “Why did you decide to become a Muslim?” She then told me that she
had left Professor Katsh’s class when she fell ill with a severe kidney infection. Her
condition was so critical, she told me, her mother and father had not expected her
to survive.
“One afternoon while burning with fever, I reached for my Quran on the table
beside my bed and began to read and while I recited the verses, it touched me so
deeply that I began to weep and then I knew I would recover. As soon as I was
strong enough to leave my bed, I summoned two of my Muslim friends and took
the oath of the “Shahadah” or Confession of Faith.”
Zenita and I would eat our meals in Syrian restaurants where I acquired a keen
taste for this tasty cooking. When we had money to spend, we would order
Couscous, roast lamb with rice or a whole soup plate of delicious little meatballs
swimming in gravy scooped up with loaves of unleavened Arabic bread.
And when we had little to spend, we would eat lentils and rice, Arabic style, or the
Egyptian national dish of black broad beans with plenty of garlic and onions
called “Ful”.
While Professor Katsh was lecturing thus, I was comparing in my mind what I had
read in the Old Testament and the Talmud with what was taught in the Quran and
Hadith and finding Judaism so defective, I converted to Islam.
My increasing sympathy for Islam and Islamic ideals enraged the other Jews I
knew, who regarded me as having betrayed them in the worst possible way. They
used to tell me that such a reputation could only result from shame of my
ancestral heritage and an intense hatred for my people.
They warned me that even if I tried to become a Muslim, I would never be
accepted. These fears proved totally unfounded as I have never been stigmatized
by any Muslim because of my Jewish origin.
As soon as I became a Muslim myself, I was welcomed most enthusiastically by all
the Muslims as one of them.
I did not embrace Islam out of hatred for my ancestral heritage or my people. It
was not a desire so much to reject as to fulfill. To me, it meant a transition from
parochial to a dynamic and revolutionary faith.
Although I wanted to become a Muslim as far back as 1954, my family managed to
argue me out of it. I was warned that Islam would complicate my life because it is
not, like Judaism and Christianity, part of the American scene. I was told that
Islam would alienate me from my family and isolate me from the community.
At that time my faith was not sufficiently strong to withstand these pressures.
Partly, as the result of this inner turmoil, I became so ill that I had to discontinue
college long before it was time for me to graduate.
For the next two years I remained at home under private medical care, steadily
growing worse. In desperation from 1957 – 1959, my parents confined me both to
private and public hospitals where I vowed that if ever I recovered sufficiently to
be discharged, I would embrace Islam.
After I was allowed to return home, I investigated all the opportunities for
meeting Muslims in New York City . It was my good fortune to meet some of the
finest men and women anyone could ever hope to meet. I also began to write
articles for Muslim magazines.
When I embraced Islam, my parents, relatives and their friends regarded me
almost as a fanatic, because I could think and talk of nothing else. To them,
religion is a purely private concern which at the most perhaps could be cultivated
like an amateur hobby among other hobbies. But as soon as I read the Holy
Quran, I knew that Islam was no hobby but life itself!
One evening I was feeling particularly exhausted and sleepless. Mother came into
my room and said she was about to go to the Larchmont Public Library and asked
me if there was any book that I wanted.
I asked her to look and see if the library had a copy of an English translation of the
Quran. Just think, years of passionate interest in the Arabs and reading every
book in the library about them I could lay my hands on but until now, I never
thought to see what was in the Quran!
Mother returned with a copy for me. I was so eager, I literally grabbed it from her
hands and read it the whole night. There, I also found all the familiar Bible stories
of my childhood.
In my eight years of primary school, four years of secondary school and one year
of college; I learned about English grammar and composition, French, Spanish,
Latin and Greek in current use, Arithmetic, Geometry, Algebra, European and
American history, elementary science, Biology, music and art — but I had never
learned anything about God!
Can you imagine? I was so ignorant of God that I wrote to my pen-friend, a
Pakistani lawyer, and confessed to him the reason why I was an atheist, was
because I couldn’t believe that God was really an old man with a long white beard
who sat up on His throne in Heaven.
When he asked me where I had learned this outrageous thing, I told him of the
reproductions from the Sistine Chapel I had seen in “Life” Magazine of
Michelangelo’ s “Creation” and “Original Sin.”
I described all the representations of God as an old man with a long white beard
and the numerous crucifixions of Christ I had seen with Paula at the Metropolitan
Museum of Art . But in the Holy Quran, I read:
(Allah! There is no god but He,-the Living, The Self-subsisting, Eternal. No
slumber can seize Him nor sleep. His are all things in the heavens and on earth.
Who is thee can intercede in His presence except as He permiteth? He knoweth
what (appeareth to His creatures as) before or after or behind them. Nor shall
they compass aught of His knowledge except as He willeth. His Throne doth
extend over the heavens and the earth, and He feeleth no fatigue in guarding and
preserving them for He is the Most High, the Supreme (in glory).) (Al-Baqarah
2:255)
(But the Unbelievers, -their deeds are like a mirage in sandy deserts, which the
man parched with thirst mistakes for water; until when he comes up to it, he finds
it to be nothing: But he finds Allah there, and Allah will pay him his account: and
Allah is swift in taking account. Or (the unbelievers’ state) is like the depths of
darkness in a vast deep ocean, overwhelmed with billow topped by billow, topped
by (dark) clouds: depth of darkness, one above another: if a man stretches out his
hands, he can hardly see it! For any to whom Allah giveth not light, there is no
light!) (An-Nur 24: 39-40)
My first thought when reading the Quran — this is the only true religion —
absolutely sincere, honest, not allowing cheap compromises or hypocrisy.
In 1959, I spent much of my leisure time reading books about Islam in the New
York Public Library. It was there I discovered four bulky volumes of an English
translation of Mishkat ul-Masabih.
It was then that I learned that a proper and detailed understanding of the Quran
is not possible without some knowledge of the relevant Hadith. For how can the
holy text correctly be interpreted except by the Prophet to whom it was revealed?
Once I had studied the Mishkat, I began to accept the Quran as Divine revelation.
What persuaded me that the Quran must be from God and not composed by
Muhammad (peace be upon him) was its satisfying and convincing answers to all
the most important questions of life which I could not find elsewhere.
As a child, I was so mortally afraid of death, particularly the thought of my own
death, that after nightmares about it, sometimes I would awaken my parents
crying in the middle of the night.
When I asked them why I had to die and what would happen to me after death, all
they could say was that I had to accept the inevitable; but that was a long way off
and because medical science was constantly advancing, perhaps I would live to be
a hundred years old!
My parents, family, and all our friends rejected as superstition any thought of the
Hereafter, regarding Judgment Day, reward inParadise or punishment in Hell as
outmoded concepts of by-gone ages.
In vain, I searched all the chapters of the Old Testament for any clear and
unambiguous concept of the Hereafter. The prophets, patriarchs and sages of the
Bible all receive their rewards or punishments in this world.
Typical is the story of Job (Ayub). God destroyed all his loved-ones, his
possessions, and afflicted him with a loathsome disease in order to test his faith.
Job plaintively laments to God why He should make a righteous man suffer. At
the end of the story, God restores all his earthly losses but nothing is even
mentioned about any possible consequences in the Hereafter.
Although I did find the Hereafter mentioned in the New Testament, but compared
with that of the Quran, it is vague and ambiguous. I found no answer to the
question of death in Orthodox Judaism, for the Talmud preaches that even the
worst life is better than death.
My parents’ philosophy was that one must avoid contemplating the thought of
death and just enjoy as best as one can, the pleasures life has to offer at the
moment.
According to them, the purpose of life is enjoyment and pleasure achieved
through self-expression of one’s talents, the love of family, the congenial company
of friends combined with the comfortable living and indulgence in the variety of
amusements that affluent America makes available in such abundance.
They deliberately cultivated this superficial approach to life as if it were the
guarantee for their continued happiness and good fortune.
Through bitter experience, I discovered that self-indulgence leads only to misery;
and that nothing great or even worthwhile is ever accomplished without struggle
through adversity and self-sacrifice.
From my earliest childhood, I have always wanted to accomplish important and
significant things. Above all else, before my death I wanted the assurance that I
had not wasted life in sinful deeds or worthless pursuits.
All my life, I have been intensely serious-minded. I have always detested the
frivolity which is the dominant characteristic of contemporary culture.
My father once disturbed me with his unsettling conviction that there is nothing
of permanent value and because of everything in this modern age, we should
accept the present trends inevitable and adjust ourselves to them.
I, however, was thirsty to attain something that would endure forever. It was from
the Quran where I learned that this aspiration was possible. No good deed for the
sake of seeking the pleasure of God is ever wasted or lost. Even if the person
concerned never achieves any worldly recognition, his reward is certain in the
Hereafter.
Conversely, the Quran tells us that those who are guided by no moral
considerations other than expediency or social conformity and crave the freedom
to do as they please, no matter how much worldly success and prosperity they
attain or how keenly they are able to relish the short span of their earthly life; will
be doomed as the losers on Judgment Day.
Islam teaches us that in order to devote our exclusive attention to fulfilling our
duties to God and to our fellow-beings, we must abandon all vain and useless
activities which distract us from this end. These teachings of the Quran, made
even more explicit by Hadith, were thoroughly compatible with my temperament.
As the years passed, the realization gradually dawned upon me that it was not the
Arabs who made Islam great but rather Islam had made the Arabs great. Were it
not for the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), the Arabs would be an
obscure people today. And were it not for the Quran, the Arabic language would
be equally insignificant, if not extinct.
The kinship between Judaism and Islam is even stronger than Islam and
Christianity. Both Judaism and Islam share in common the same
uncompromising monotheism, the crucial importance of strict obedience to
Divine Law as proof of our submission to and love of the Creator, the rejection of
the priesthood, celibacy and monasticism and the striking similarity of the
Hebrew and Arabic language.
In Judaism, religion is so confused with nationalism, one can scarcely distinguish
between the two. The name “Judaism” is derived from Judah — a tribe. A Jew is a
member of the tribe ofJudah.
Even the name of this religion connotes no universal spiritual message. A Jew is
not a Jew by virtue of his belief in the unity of God, but merely because he
happened to be born of Jewish parentage. Should he become an outspoken
atheist, he is no less “Jewish” in the eyes of his fellow Jews.
Such a thorough corruption with nationalism has spiritually impoverished this
religion in all its aspects. God is not the God of all mankind but the God of Israel.
The scriptures are not God’s revelation to the entire human race but primarily a
Jewish history book.
David and Solomon (peace be upon them) are not full-fledged prophets of God
but merely Jewish kings.
With the single exception of Yom Kippur (the Jewish Day of Atonement), the
holidays and festivals celebrated by Jews, such as Hanukkah, Purim and Pesach,
are of far greater national than religious significance.
There is one particular incident which really stands out in my mind when I had
the opportunity to discuss Islam with a Jewish gentleman. Dr. Shoreibah, of the
Islamic Center in New York, introduced me to a very special guest.
After one Jumuah salah, I went into his office to ask him some questions about
Islam, but before I could even greet him with “Assalamu Alaikum”; I was
completely astonished and surprised to see seated before him an ultra-orthodox
Chassidic Jew, complete with earlocks, broad-brimmed black hat, long black
silken caftan and a full flowing beard.
Under his arm was a copy of the Yiddish newspaper, “The Daily Forward”. He told
us that his name was Samuel Kostelwitz and that he worked in New York City as a
diamond cutter.
Most of his family, he said, lived in the Chassidic community of Williamsburg in
Brooklyn, but he also had many relatives and friends in Israel.
Born in a small Romanian town, he had fled from the Nazi terror with his parents
to America, just prior to the outbreak of the second world-war.
I asked him what had brought him to the mosque? He told us that he had been
stricken with intolerable grief ever since his mother died 5 years ago. He had tried
to find solace and consolation for his grief in the synagogue but could not when he
discovered that many of the Jews, even in the ultra-orthodox community of
Williamsburg, were shameless hypocrites.
His recent trip to Israel had left him more bitterly disillusioned than ever. He was
shocked by the irreligiousness he found in Israel and he told us that nearly all the
young sabras or native-born Israelis are militant atheists.
When he saw large herds of swine on one of the kibbutzim (collective farms) he
visited, he could only exclaim in horror: “Pigs in a Jewish state! I never thought
that was possible until I came here!
“Then, when I witnessed the brutal treatment meted out to innocent Arabs in
Israel, I knew then that there is no difference between the Israelis and the Nazis.
Never, never in the name of God, could I justify such terrible crimes!”
Then he turned to Dr. Shoreibah and told him that he wanted to become a Muslim
but before he took the irrevocable steps to formal conversion, he needed to have
more knowledge about Islam.
He said that he had purchased from Orientalia Bookshop, some books on Arabic
grammar and was trying to teach himself Arabic. He apologized to us for his
broken English: Yiddish was his native tongue and Hebrew, his second language.
Among themselves, his family and friends spoke only Yiddish. Since his reading
knowledge of English was extremely poor, he had no access to good Islamic
literature.
However, with the aid of an English dictionary, he painfully read “Introduction to
Islam” by Muhammad Hamidullah of Paris and praised this as the best book he
had ever read.
In the presence of Dr. Shoreibah, I spent another hour with Mr. Kostelwitz,
comparing the Bible stories of the patriarchs and prophets with their counterparts
in the Quran.
I pointed out the inconsistencies and interpolations of the Bible, illustrating my
point with Noah’s alleged drunkenness, accusing David of adultery and Solomon
of idolatry (Allah forbid) and how the Quran raises all these patriarchs to the
status of genuine prophets of God and absolves them from all these crimes.
I also pointed out why it was Ismail and not Isaac who God commanded Abraham
to offer as sacrifice. In the Bible, God tells Abraham: “Take thine son, thine only
son whom thou lovest and offer him up to Me as burnt offering.”
Now, Ismail was born 13 years before Isaac but the Jewish biblical commentators
explain that away by belittling Ismail’s mother, Hagar, as only a concubine and
not Abraham’s real wife so they say Isaac was the only legitimate son. Islamic
traditions, however, raise Hagar to the status of a full-fledged wife equal in every
respect to Sarah.
Mr. Kostelwitz expressed his deepest gratitude to me for spending so much time,
explaining those truths to him. To express this gratitude, he insisted on inviting
Dr. Shoreibah and me to lunch at the Kosher Jewish delicatessen where he always
goes to eat his lunch.
Mr. Kostelwitz told us that he wished more than anything else to embrace Islam,
but he feared he could not withstand the persecution he would have to face from
his family and friends.
I told him to pray to God for help and strength and he promised that he would.
When he left us, I felt privileged to have spoken with such a gentle and kind
person.
In Islam, my quest for absolute values was satisfied. In Islam, I found all that was
true, good and beautiful and that which gives meaning and direction to human life
(and death); while in other religions, the Truth is deformed, distorted, restricted
and fragmentary.
If any one chooses to ask me how I came to know this, I can only reply my
personal life experience was sufficient to convince me. My adherence to the
Islamic faith is thus a calm, cool but very intense conviction.
I have, I believe, always been a Muslim at heart by temperament, even before I
knew there was such a thing as Islam. My conversion was mainly a formality,
involving no radical change in my heart at all but rather only making official what
I had been thinking and yearning for many years.